For our generation, it may feel as though half a lifetime has passed since the year 2016. On the 23rd of June, 2016, the vote passed for the United Kingdom (UK) to leave the European Union (EU). As a twelve-year-old secondary school student, I remember experiencing this overwhelming sense of alienation. The Algerian half of my identity was now cause for sensationalized concern as a fresh wave of xenophobic rhetoric plagued the UK media. I remember my father rifling through the house, compiling heavy-duty grocery bags full of paperwork, receipts, and evidence of his right to remain in the country. The politics of my brother and my multi-ethnic identities would soon become the focus of national headlines. More locally, the politics of the collective Welsh identity would give rise to the birth of a renewed independence movement.
In the same year (2016), YesCymru – YesWales in English – began as an informal non-party-political campaign for Welsh independence. Talk of independence had long lingered in the background of Welsh political conscience. England’s population constitutes eighty-four percent of the entire UK, meaning that the country’s international relations are driven by the interest of the English majority. Brexit (the withdrawal of the UK from the EU) therefore could either make or break the Welsh population’s chance to represent themselves on the global stage. The subject of independence has, to this day, remained a taboo due to what YesCymru’s Chief Executive Officer, Gwern Gwynfil, recently described as “infantilizing, patronizing, and insulting” discourse amongst English politicians. Moreover, it is important to note that a history of cultural shame has riddled the politics of Welsh identity since the sixteenth century when the Welsh language was banned and stripped of its official status by the English monarchy. The insecurity of the Welsh language as a signifier of national independence is still frequently debated, but surveys have shown the number of Welsh speakers is reliably increasing, and so is the confidence of independence supporters.
The recognition of independent Welsh culture, economy, and language clearly indicates an inevitable path towards national independence; after the consolidation of such fundamental factors of a sovereign nation, what else would keep Wales tied to the English government? In a global context, it is difficult to understand the significance of this small independence movement in Western Europe. Why is Welsh independence important for Wales? Why is Welsh independence important for the rest of the world? More complex nuances of neo-colonialism are also implicated – the constituent status of Wales in the United Kingdom may even confuse many people. Was the United Kingdom not previously the British Empire? How could such a historically infamous colonial empire demand independence, and from what?
An interview with the CEO of YesCymru, Gwern Gwynfil, provided valuable insight regarding possible answers to such pressing questions. Gwynfil remarked on the condescending nature of English political discourse, candidly noting that “even if a Welshman were to become a Lord, he would still be a second-class Englishman,” and that this is just “the reality of empire”. Gwynfil heavily emphasized that the challenge of increasing the number of Welsh independence supporters largely lies within his own age demographic, 45- to 54-year-olds; he elaborated that this demographic “tend[s] to occupy leadership roles” in both Wales and England. Due to this unequal representation of differing interests across varying age demographics, little progress has been made in deconstructing Wales’s own “colonized mindset” and the stigma often associated with talk of independence.
Nevertheless, Wales’s younger generations have become instrumental in spreading political awareness. Gwynfil proudly reasoned that, for the “34 and under” age demographic, over half already support independence as their justice-oriented generation is more naturally inclined to favour a cause for independence. Younger generations grew up in what Gwynfil called “the age of small nations,” a time that bore witness to an overwhelming world population of small independent countries and autonomous regions. As these younger generations grow into and assume positions of power, Gwynfil believes that the “empires [that] have no place in the twenty-first century” will inevitably be dismantled, and the obstructive “imperialist nostalgia” that his own generation is still attached to will be lost.
What would Welsh independence mean for the present state of global neo-colonialism? Gwern Gwynfil described the position of Wales in the complex dynamics of historical and neo-colonialism as the “first in, last out”. The idea that Wales has been and currently remains an English colony is often glossed over in the international discourse of neo-colonialism. In reality, a substantiated argument that Wales is the first and last English colony poses genuine concerns regarding the lasting power of historical colonialism: how can the “age of small nations” sustainably thrive when the first colony of the British empire remains an example of effective socio-political and economic subjugation? Having been educated in history at the University of Oxford in England, Gwern Gwynfil, is well-acquainted with the contemporary implications of historical oppression such as the “historically feudal” hierarchy between Welsh and English populations. Of the Welsh population of three million, Gwynfil noted the grave reality that “90,000 children live in poverty” to this day. As the UK faces a worsening economic recession, fears surrounding the poor quality of life for future Welsh generations exacerbate.
“Happier, healthier, wealthier,” was Gwern Gwynfil’s response when asked about the developmental practices that a future independent Wales would employ. Through the campaign’s recent appointment of Gwynfil, as the organisation’s first official CEO, YesCymru hopes to “create a structure” for those in the older age demographics who are still deliberating the meaning of the cause. Gwynfil reasoned that this new “structure” would facilitate a smooth transition from the familiar framework offered by the “feudal” relationship between the English monarchy and the Welsh people, to the new but increasingly more necessary culture of an independent Wales. This localised approach would make for easier digestion of the complex concept that is the Welsh independence movement; Gwynfil simplified this effect by explaining that older Welsh generations are more receptive to independence ideology if it is the “farmer next door [who is] talking about independence”. This personable approach, reminiscent of economist William Easterly’s developmental concept of “searchers,” highlights the importance of collective Welsh involvement. Gwynfil outlined that speaking the “language of community” is the only method of realising the nation’s self-worth as one deserving of independence.
During this interview, I asked the question “What is YesCymru’s vision of a future independent Wales?”. My expectations mainly orbited possibilities of republicanism or commonwealth nation status, both of which Gwynfil gladly discussed with me. However, Gwynfil’s simple declaration of “happier, healthier, wealthier” seemed to perfectly summarise the goal of Welsh independence: prioritizing the country’s overall well-being. A “happier” Wales would be a “healthier” one, and would naturally become “wealthier”, but happiness remains at the forefront of YesCymru’s vision for Welsh independence.
Edited by Elena Lee
Amira Berdouk is in her first year at McGill University, currently pursuing a B.A. in East Asian Studies and International Development. Amira is a staff writer at Catalyst and is interested in (neo-) colonialism, political and cultural identity, and independence movements.