In recent years, Haiti has endured crises at a level once thought inconceivable in the modern era. Fueled by political and economic turmoil, the nation has gone through widespread violence, dismay, and the effective collapse of its government. In 2018, mass protests broke out against the government of then-president Jovenel Moïse over numerous issues including corruption, inequality, and political repression and continued into the presidency of his successor Ariel Henry. The instability wrought by these past years has paved the way for Haitian gangs to seize control of major areas in the country. It is currently estimated that 90% of the capital, Port-au-Prince, is currently in the hands of militarised gangs who engage in continuous conflict against each other and the Haitian government. In the midst of this crisis, Kenya has offered to lead a United Nations mission to restore peace and stability to Haiti. Given Haiti’s history with foreign intervention, however, fear for the future remains.
Historical Framework: Independence to the Modern Era
Though the ongoing events are harrowing, the unfortunate reality is that it is by no means unique. Since its independence in 1804, Haiti has undergone centuries of continued colonial violence and exploitation from the Western world. Its present circumstances are merely the latest chapter in a long history of hardship and upheaval. After a slave uprising, which freed the island from French colonial rule, there was much for the Haitian people to celebrate. They had liberated themselves, and in doing so demonstrated the falseness of European superiority. The Haitian revolution continued to inspire oppressed peoples across the world for centuries to come and into the modern world. But though Haiti had gained its legal independence, its troubles with colonial powers were far from over.
France may have been defeated, but it was far from finished with Haiti. It wasn’t until 1825 that the French government recognized Haiti as a sovereign nation. This recognition was delivered with several warships lined up on the coast of Haiti demanding the island nation pay reparations to France for the loss of property. The property being referenced was, of course, the freed men and women who had been enslaved. Originally placed at 150 million francs, the French eventually lowered it to 90 million in 1838 (equivalent to about 30 billion USD in 2022). France was by no means the only profiteer in this scheme, in 1888 the French had received their last indemnity payment; however, to pay off their debt, Haiti needed to take out loans from various nations, notably the United States. In 1911, the United States backed a plan in which investors would seize control of Haiti’s national bank, culminating in the seizure of Haiti’s gold reserves and occupation of the island from 1915 to 1934, using 40% of Haiti’s national income yearly to repay American and French creditors. The debt would finally be paid off in 1947, with the United Nations reporting that Haitians were often close to starvation at that time. It wasn’t until 2016 that France repealed the original demand for reparations, and still has yet to even consider repaying Haitians for their exploitation. Estimates suggest that taking into account the stifling of economic development, Haiti’s cumulative losses during this period amount to 115 billion USD.
Though 1947 yielded an end to what Haiti owed directly as a cost of gaining their freedom, it was far from an end to their problems. Widespread dissatisfaction and hopelessness paved the way for a repressive father-son duo, nicknamed “Papa Doc” and “Baby Doc” respectively, to take control of Haiti from 1957 to 1986. The two despots utilised a personal death squad known as the Tonton Macoute to suppress any form of dissent, enjoying support from the United States until being overthrown by a popular uprising. Since then, Haiti has suffered through multiple coups and foreign interventions that have resulted in little to no real change in Haiti’s situation. An intervention after the 1991 coup ended in 2000 and, just four years later, another coup occurred with another subsequent intervention. This time, United Nations forces remained until 2017. Their attempts to ensure stability in Haiti through economic and political crises, as well as a devastating earthquake in 2010 which claimed between 100,000 and 300,000 lives, proved to be little more successful than before. Just one year after the United Nations had left, Haiti again spiralled into chaos.
Current Crisis: Governmental Collapse
Jovenel Moïse took power in 2017, and almost immediately Haiti descended into yet another political crisis. Widespread inequality, corruption, and state-enforced brutality resulted in mass protests and eventually Moïse’s assassination in 2021. The assassination was organised and carried out by a group of foreign mercenaries, with numerous allegations being spread about the potential involvement of political figures within and outside of Haiti. Moïse’s successor, Ariel Henry, has been suspected of participating in the planning of the assassination due to his links to one of the men accused of orchestrating the plot alongside his refusal to cooperate with authorities in their investigation. Protests and riots have continued into Henry’s term, allowing numerous gangs the opportunity to seize control. Firstmost among these gangs is G9, a federation of over a dozen gangs led by a man named Jimmy Chérizier.
Chérizier is easily the most powerful gang leader in Haiti and has been accused of numerous massacres in and around Port-au-Prince. Many have alleged that his macabre nickname, Babekyou, was earned through his tendency to set people on fire, though he maintains that it is simply due to his mother being a fried chicken vendor. Chérizier remains a mysterious figure in Haitian society, with widely varying accounts of who he is, what he’s doing, and why he’s doing it. Some have alleged that he was a close ally of the late president Jovenel Moïse, drawing on testimonies of collaboration between G9 and the Haitian police amid the protests. Chérizier publicly called for Moïse’s resignation, however, and stated that G9 was leading an armed revolution against Haiti’s economic and political elites. Throughout the crisis, G9 under Chérizier has continually positioned itself as a stabilising force. The gang operates as the de facto authority in the areas under their control, which consists of nearly the entirety of the nation’s capital. Chérizier has further claimed that G9 has filled the void left by government failure, suggesting a potential intention to position himself and allies as the official government of Haiti.
Future Prospects: Kenya’s Intervention
During this period of crisis, the Haitian government under Henry repeatedly requested foreign intervention to stabilise the country. As shown, foreign interference in Haiti never seems to yield a desirable outcome. Nations that would typically be considered eager advocates of foreign intervention, such as the United States, have been reluctant to commit to leading a force in Haiti. More than likely this is due to the historical failures of this strategy. However, from across the world, Kenya has eagerly offered to lead a multinational force to aid the Henry government in the stabilisation of Haiti. Assuming the process continues as planned, this would mark the first time a member of the African Union has headed a major peacekeeping mission outside of Africa. With the growing multipolarity of international politics, Kenya seeks to ensure its position on a shifting global stage as a rising and reliable regional power capable of extending influence across the world.
Yet, while the Haitian government has welcomed this development and Haitian citizens remain cautiously hopeful, the enduring successes of foreign intervention are nowhere to be seen. While Kenya may find some level of success in its initial mission and Haiti may achieve stability for a time, history has demonstrated that foreign interference has only served to make Haiti dependent and stifle Haiti’s political and economic development. This is not to suggest that the international community abandon Haiti the contrary is vital. While there certainly is a need for foreign aid and support, it must be done the right way to not overshadow Haitian sovereignty. The Haitian people know that only the oppressed have the means to free themselves, a foreign power can never be relied upon to ensure peace and prosperity for another. Already, an armed vigilante movement known as Bwa Kale has emerged to fight against gang violence. As with the revolution that won their independence, Haitians must seize the reins of their liberation. While the international community should support Haitians throughout this crisis, that support must not come at the cost of Haitian sovereignty. As the Kenyan mission draws closer, Haiti and the wider world will watch with anticipation and hope that this time is different.
Edited by Mayah Esmail
Alexander Morris-Schwarz is a third-year student at McGill University where he is majoring in Political Science with a minor in Communication Studies. Alexander is currently a staff writer for Catalyst and he is interested in international relations and imperialism.