On July 29, 2024, just hours after polls closed in Caracas, incumbent candidate Nicolás Maduro declared himself the winner of Venezuela’s presidential race. Later that day, opposition leader Edmundo González Urrutia issued his own proclamation of victory. The election results were marred by controversy: authorities refused to publish detailed vote counts, González was coerced into recognizing Maduro’s legitimacy, and the international community continued to defend the opposition’s claims to the presidency weeks into Maduro’s third term. Opposition-published polls showed that González garnered 66 percent of the vote, while Maduro secured only 31 percent. An often overlooked dynamic within the broader issue of election manipulation, however, is Maduro’s weaponization of Venezuela’s Carnet de la Patria program in an effort to mobilize voters.
El Carnet de la Patria (The Fatherland Card) Controversy
Launched in 2017 as a versatile mode of identification, more than 17 million of Venezuela’s 30 million citizens had registered for a Carnet de la Patria within its first year. These cards were linked to the digital Sistema Patria (Homeland Program) platform in an initial effort to improve the efficiency of pension payment distribution. Not long after its conception, it expanded, and holders of the card gained privileged access to government services and subsidies on essential goods and services, including food, education, and fuel. By the 2018 election cycle, approximately 63% of Venezuelans reported that they relied on their Carnet de la Patria to claim subsidies.
Though this program appears to offer significant benefits, it veils a darker motive. For one to qualify for a Carnet de la Patria, applicants must disclose their political affiliation. During Venezuela’s 2018 election, where Maduro vied for his second term, the government installed Carnet de la Patria “check-in points” just outside of voting centers. Within these booths (called Puntos Rojos, or Red Points), cardholders could renew their Carnet de la Patria as they voted—which inevitably forced voters to associate their continued access to food subsidies with the act of voting. Many voters were even instructed to leave their cards at the Red Points while they cast their ballot, only being allowed to repossess them after voting. In his study on the 2018 Venezuelan election, American political scientist Michael Penfold determined that the majority of voters who went to the polls in the interest of renewing their food subsidies ended up supporting Maduro’s government. This trend extended beyond habitual non-voters; even individuals who typically support the opposition were found to prioritize their access to basic necessities over the integrity of their vote. Indeed, Penfold wrote that amidst severe food insecurity,
“this system guaranteed the government high voter mobilization at low cost.”
Even more troubling, despite assurances of reliable assistance through the program, many Venezuelans haven’t even seen their payments come through; their accounts have been blocked or encountered unexplained restrictions. Those who have experienced such issues are told to contact United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) party workers—Maduro’s own party—who then “scan the card and check the ID number” to restore access.
Though possessing a Carnet de la Patria is not mandatory for voting, its use creates a coercive environment that links access to essential services with political participation. There is a correlation between the establishment of Red Points and voter turnout, as Penfold’s research reported a drastic 10 to 15 percent increase in voter participation compared to previous elections. The US Department of State’s 2018 Venezuela Country Report provides a clear articulation of the PSUV’s tactics:
“the card amount[s] to social control, a tool to leverage access to scarce subsidized consumer products in return for political loyalty.”
Ultimately, Maduro and the PSUV’s controversial use of the Sistema Patria underscores a broader pattern of corruption and manipulation within Venezuela’s political system. The card frames a mechanism for control as a tool for social welfare, morphing everyday necessities into political capital that forces citizens to align themselves with the government in exchange for basic needs. Opposition leader Machado herself compared El Carnet de la Patria to Cuba’s 1962 government-issued rationing book, describing it as “the rationing book 2.0” on X. Maduro has managed to exploit widespread economic hardship—in a country where the poverty rate remains above 91 percent—as a means of consolidating political control. El Carnet de la Patria serves as a reminder of the lengths to which his regime will go to sustain its hold over the country’s governance.
Edited by Alex Ritch
This article is written by a Catalyst Staff Writer and does not necessarily reflect the political opinion of the platform. Catalyst is a student-led publication that encourages engagement with global issues from a learning perspective
Marina Gallo is in her first year at McGill University, pursuing a B.A. in Political Science with a minor in International Development Studies. She is particularly interested in Latin American politics and U.S. economic policy.