In early February, the U.S. and the Philippines announced their plan to give the American military access to four new locations in the region. This agreement will allow Washington to build military facilities and hold equipment in nine locations nationwide. The move will strengthen the Philippines’ role as a critical strategic partner for the United States in the event of a conflict with China over Taiwan. Contentiously, the decision also reminds Filipinos of the tragic history that resulted from U.S. colonial intrusion into the nation.
The United States is seeking access to regions where they can enact “light and flexible” operations involving supplies and surveillance rather than bases with large numbers of troops. The Philippines is a crucial strategic partner in an area where China has been asserting military power and building outposts on contested regions in the South China Sea. American officials have noted that accessing the Philippines’ northernmost islands is paramount in countering China if the nation moves to attack nearby Taiwan. Of the U.S.’s five treaty allies in the region–Australia, Japan, South Korea, Thailand, and the Philippines–the latter is the oldest and one of the closest to Taiwan, making it a critical partner for the United States. While the two nations have not yet disclosed the four new sites that Americans will gain access to, an anonymous official with knowledge of the negotiation details articulates that three are facing Taiwan, and one is bordering the South China Sea. As U.S.-China relations are at a particularly low point following the recent incursion of the surveillance balloon, the Philippines’ support could not have come at a more opportune time.
Notably, the U.S.’s presence in the region and the strengthening of allyship between the two nations holds potential benefits for the Philippines. For years, the Philippines has primarily stood idle as Chinese forces occupied the reefs and shoals that once belonged to the Southeast Asian nation. President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., who took office in June, has adopted an aggressive foreign policy approach prioritizing the country’s territorial dispute with China in the South China Sea. Historical disputes between Beijing and the Philippines and shared concerns about a possible invasion of Taiwan have allegedly led the President to restore defense ties with the United States.
The recent deal marks the first time in 30 years that the U.S. will have such a significant military presence, as the U.S. military was unceremoniously kicked out of Subic Bay, its last base in the country, in 1992 after widespread nationalist protests. The protests were fueled by years of colonization in the region. Formerly a Spanish colony that was then ruled as an American territory, the Philippines only gained independence in 1946.
While the increase in American military presence is historic, it is not unprecedented. There are three crucial components of the U.S.-Philippine military alliance: the 1951 Mutual Defence Treaty, a 1999 Visiting Forces Agreement, and a 2014 defense agreement that allowed the American military to station troops and weapons at five stations across the nation. Moreover, the U.S. military has sent out Special Operations forces to advise counterterrorism missions in Philippine regions where Muslim insurgents have battled the Catholic-majority state in recent history.
Between 1999 and 2014, the two nations worked slowly to rebuild relations, yet this most recent partnership is widely contested in the Philippines. Many Filipinos see the recent increase in U.S. military presence as reminiscent of American colonialism and a history of violence and abuse by U.S. troops that left an estimated 15,000 children without fathers when American expatriates went home. For Manual Mamba, the governor of Cagayan, U.S. access to the region would endanger his constituents, making Cagayan “a magnet for nuclear attack.” He explains that China is not an enemy of Cagayan, that the conflict is between the U.S. and China, and that Cagayan should not be responsible for fighting their battles. Rodolfo Albano II, the governor of Isabela, shares similar sentiments. He fears Isabela will become a target and is worried about souring relationships with Beijing. Moreover, many left-wing groups in the Philippines strongly oppose the U.S.’s return. Of course, China also opposes the move saying, “U.S. actions escalate regional tension and undermine regional peace and stability.”
Despite these examples of outrage, public polls show that nine of ten Filipinos want their government to assert its rights over the South China Sea. Additionally, 84 percent of Filipinos choose the United States over China as a security partner. Critically, in the U.S.’s pursuit of Taiwan’s continued independence, they must donate the Philippines the same courtesy.
Edited by Ruqayya Farrah
Claudia Velimirovic is in her fourth and final year at McGill University pursuing a major in honours International Development and a minor in Social Entrepreneurship. This is her third year writing for Catalyst and she is particularly interested in politics, gender inequality, and women’s health.